Lessons from Nubia!

The issue of Nubian rights is an often neglected and poorly understood issue for public opinion. This is not a big surprise since Egyptians did not get any education on that part of their country and it hardly ever surfaces as part of the political discussion. Despite the active participation of Nubians in and before the revolution; their efforts to highlight their cause and their history of discrimination, little attention is given to them. Nubians have more recently become a part of the political discussion, more evident in the presidential race. However, as usual Nubians were excluded from participating in shaping their country’s future as none of them was selected to be in the constitution drafting committee.

Rural women in Egypt: Can we afford to neglect them?

Various groups and minorities in Egypt are discriminated against and marginalized. With all the mobilization and debate happening in this post-revolution phase, one group has got very little attention and spotlight. Which group in Egypt suffers from highest rates of illiteracy; bears the heavy burden of utmost poverty; lack essential healthcare greatly jeopardizing their lives; and is not represented in our new parliament at all?

The answer is rural women. This is certainly not a simple minority group as rural females make up about a quarter of Egypt’s 82-million population. However, rural women are not a homogeneous group; they live in different regions and have different socioeconomic conditions. In this light, the most disadvantaged group would be poor, rural women living in Upper Egypt.

Photo Credit: http://orzqyat.wordpress.com/ Blog

Not only rural women do not get enough attention, but rural Egypt as a whole. Despite all the debates brought up during the revolution, little we knew of its impact on rural Egypt. Media outlets keep an urban eye to whatever going on despite evidence of a lot of mobilization happening on the rural front. We do know, however, that rural communities had a sense of solidarity with Tahrir Square, but they couldn’t fully participate because of the need to look after their lands or simply because they could not afford transport. However, there were growing concerns because of the rising costs that seriously undermines the agricultural process and the deteriorating security situation within the villages. In general, there was a sense of a need to put rural issues on the agenda and that reform has to reach the countryside.

The past regimes always asserted that farmers are on top of the development agenda, while the reality was that they worked on undermining the situation and rights of farmers. While Nasser’s regime sided with the villagers and worked to end feudalism and monopoly (despite other flaws), the neoliberal policies introduced in Sadat’s era placed higher value on exporting goods and joining the global market at the expense of local self-sufficiency; and this persisted through Mubarak’s time.

If we go back to look at rural women and their conditions, we’ll soon find out how they fall at the bottom of all welfare indicators. Only 66% of adults are literate in Egypt; Women living in rural areas are most likely to miss school or get the least years of education either for economic or cultural reasons, whereas the sons’ education is prioritized. Missing education is a major barrier for rural women as it shapes their potential; and illiteracy limits their life options such as economic opportunities and health status.

When we look at working conditions, we find that rural women play a crucial role in agriculture and rural development; however they get the least benefit from that process. Women perform many agriculture-related activities and mostly don’t get paid for it. This does not exempt them from the household chores they have to take care of besides their production. Although 41% of people working in agriculture and fisheries in Egypt are women, their right to own land is violated, mostly due to traditions enforced by family and community, and this is a worldwide problem not only in our region. With the increasing male migration to urban areas, more women are in charge of households and face extra burdens to maintain their livelihood.

Sadly too, rural women’s health is much at risk. They usually suffer from malnutrition despite her contribution to the production of food, but they usually favor giving most of the food share to her family. Additionally, they work long exhausting hours in the home and outside and they do not get sufficient health care. The highest fertility rates exist among rural women while they risk losing their lives during pregnancy and delivery because of the lack of access to adequate health services. It’s needless to say that they suffer most from patriarchal values. One of the mortifying realities is that the prevalence of female genital mutilation is highest in rural Upper Egypt and reaches 95% of women despite the ban and the efforts to eradicate this practice.

Rural women are also excluded from the decision making process. They don’t have representation on the local (agricultural associations, etc.) or national level (government, parliament, etc.). We don’t hear those women’s stories and they’re not empowered to advocate for their causes. We need to direct more attention to those women and their lives. New Women Foundation and Rising Voices has ran this project to convey the voices of rural women, listen to their stories!

With the dire conditions facing rural women (not only in Egypt but in various world regions), we need to reevaluate our priorities. The United Nations has chosen rural women as this year’s theme for International Women’s Day to help highlight the cause. Mervat El Tallawy, the newly-elected president of the recently-revived National Women’s Council presented a statement on the topic at the 56^th session of the UN Commission on the status of women, and pledged to push their issue to the top of the agenda. Would those promises be realized? How much more can we afford to ignore rural women and rural issues in general while half of our population lives in rural areas?

The writer Maria Golia has made the case for the rural side of Egypt in her recent article.

“In the absence of intelligent top-down strategies, change must come from the bottom up. Egypt’s revolution began in cities, but the nation’s life literally relies on its grassroots. Think of this next time you slice a tomato: Unless Egypt’s head remembers its body, its stomach will go empty and it will lose its heart.”

Samira, the military and feminism!

On Wednesday February 8^th, Egypt’s head of military court has made a statement urging media outlet to halt the coverage on the “Virginity Tests” case. This decision came at the backdrop of the unraveling court case filed by Samira Ibhrahim.  But who is Samira Ibrahim and why does the Military Forces want to ban publication on the matter?

Samira was arrested in Tahrir Square during a protest on 9 March and was subjected to virginity testing alongside other six women in military prison.  Initially, the military generals adamantly tried to deny that those tests took place. It wasn’t until a CNN interview where an anonymous general admitted it. Later, in a meeting with Amnesty International, the Head of the Military Intelligence Department explained that those tests are performed to “protect the army against possible allegations of rape”. The statement reveals that not only such tests already occur, but it was a routine procedure by prison officials to avoid female prisoners’ claims of sexual violence. This statement is of much concern because we don’t know the extent of abuse female detainees are exposed to while perpetrators are easily getting away with it.

Human rights groups in Egypt filed a case in front of the administrative court on behalf of Samira Ibrahim, the only detainee who decided to defy the authority, speak up and take it to court despite the threats she was receiving.  Late December, the court made its historic rule to ban “Virginity Tests” and deemed it a violation of both Egyptian constitution & legislation and the International Agreements that Egypt is party to. The court rule is considered an official acknowledgement that those tests actually took place and that those responsible must be brought to justice. However further legal developments were not as promising, as only one military doctor has been brought to justice in front of military court, notorious for its lack of independence and fair trial procedures. The charges against that doctor were changed from sexual assault to public indecency which amounts to much less punitive action. Moreover, the case has been postponed several times and the fate of her case is still unclear.

Virginity tests come as part of a long list of abuses by the military forces against Egyptians. Since the military council of armed forces took charge of the country after Mubarak stepping down, military and police forces have used excessive force against protesters which resulted in hundreds dead and many thousands injured. The violence against peaceful protesters is one of the strategies upheld by these forces to discourage participation in protests and acts of resistance to military rule. Women have been targeted during those demonstrations by excessive violence and the other weapon that state knows how to use well: the shaming of women.

For an array of political, socioeconomic, and historic reasons, our country is suffering from deeply-held patriarchal values and “honor”-based practices. This is manifested in many ways including the justification of gender-based violence against women. Women who do not conform to that system are punished, and they carry the burden of the blame. The state uses this value system to kill the revolutionary spirit. They know that by targeting women, they will strike the chords of patriarchy that affects both women and men. Women will be blamed, shamed and traumatized. Men will also be shamed when they know they were not able to help their women and attain redress for their violated bodies. Another clear example of this is when women protesters were brutally and sexually assaulted while protesting the constitutional amendments in May 25^th, 2005, which was called the Black Wednesday.

The state has failed to deliver to protect women against violence whether in private or public spheres. Women in Egypt suffer from high rates of sexual harassment, domestic violence, widespread cultural practices such as female genital mutilation and “honor”-motivated violence. Virginity tests were used to humiliate those protesters and enforce the idea that these are morally loose women for taking the street. If we look back at the history of such tests, we will find many such examples in history even dating back to biblical sources. In a recent article, historian Khaled Fahmy offers a Foucaultian analysis of the history of the state introducing virginity tests into Egypt to prove that it’s a state tool to control the people, rather than ensuring their health and welfare.

Indeed such virginity tests are considered by human rights groups and the scientific community to be spurious.  Tracing back the origin of those tests to its roots, we will find that they are based in outdated medical beliefs. They are mere tools to control women’s sexuality and behavior. The case of virginity tests has created an unprecedented debate about such practice, and produced a state of solidarity with Samira and the other victims. However, the resistance is not only coming from the military institution. Dr. Fakhry Saleh, the head of the forensic authority in Egypt made a statement against the use of virginity tests at the hands of the military and described it as sexual assault, but he stopped short of criticizing the tests themselves. He further added that it’s the responsibility of the forensic authority to check female hymens, and not any other doctors! Furthermore, the Egyptian Medical Syndicate sent lawyers to defend the military doctors accused of performing the tests. I n reaction, human rights groups have sent a letter to the Syndicate urging them to completely ban the practice as it constitutes a violation of medical ethics. The medical syndicate has justified its move as a normal procedure for defending its members. They said that the procedure shouldn’t have been performed by military personnel, rather by specialized gynecologists only! Up until now, the syndicate has not denounced the tests themselves. Despite the presumed independence of such institutions as the forensic authority and the medical syndicate, their history is full of politicization and manipulation by the state. The challenge then is not only about opposing state authority but authority in its various forms.

As the debate about the virginity continues, many questions are raised. While feminists and human rights activists are excited about the growing public debate about the notorious tests, changes in attitudes about virginity and women’s rights are slower to be achieved. As virginity tests have become part of revolutionary jargon, the public position on virginity tests practiced in private remains to be assessed. Until now, women are subjected to virginity testing on their wedding night or on other circumstances to prove their chastity. Using blood stained sheets as proof of chastity is not uncommon in Egypt. The harsher version is where the first “defloration” of a woman is performed by other related women via inserting fingers covered with a piece of cloth to obtain “the blood of honor”.

What Samira did is an unprecedented act of defiance. She is challenging the very systems of patriarchy that the military institution are enforcing, which is probably why the military court would like to silence media coverage on the matter. Once again, the intimidation tactics prove its failure and they makes people more determined to claim their rights. Interestingly, in her public interviews Samira does not use the discourse of women rights and most probably she is not supposed to. Her perseverance in the face of the “council of failure and shame” as she likes to call the military council is an unquestionable act of feminism that inspires me and many others. She deserves nothing but our deep respect and solidarity. 

Watch the video testimony of Samira Ibrahim with English subtitles here. 

يعني إيه منظمات المجتمع المدني؟

كلنا اليومين دول بنسمع مصطلح "المجتمع المدني" والقضايا المتعلقة بالمجتمع المدني بتشغل الرأي العام دلوقتي بشكل واضح. بس بالرغم من كده, كتير مننا مش متأكد قوي من معنى "منظمات المجتمع المدني" أو ايه الفرق بينها وبين "منظمات حقوق الإنسان" أو "الجمعيات الأهلية" ومش عارف بالظبط دور المنظمات دي. وأكيد كمان عندنا تساؤلات حول أهدافها وتمويلها بالذات في ضوء اقتحام بعض مكاتب لمنظمات حقوق إنسان في الفترة اللي فاتت بحجة حصولها على تمويل خارجي بشكل غير قانوني.

في التدوينة دي بنحاول نطرح بشكل بسيط اجابات للتساؤلات الي بتدور في بال ناس كتير, أهمها: يعني ايه مجتمع مدني؟ بيشتغلو ليه ولمين؟ بيجيبو فلوس منين؟ والهجوم عليها دلوقتي سببه ايه؟

يعني ايه مجتمع مدني؟

المجتمع المدني كمفهوم مالهوش تعريف محدد أو متفق عليه. بس بشكل واسع هو المساحة, خارج القطاع الحكومي اللي هو المؤسسات الحكومية المختلفة و خارج القطاع الخاص اللي هو الشركات الخاصة اللي هدفها الربح.  وفي المساحة دي الناس بتتشابك و تتواصل وتسعى لمناقشة و تحقيق اهتمامتهم وأهدافهم المشتركة. المجتمع المدني جزء لا يتجزأ من أي دولة.

 المجتمع المدني ممكن ياخد أشكال كتير وعشان كده بنسمع مصطلحات مختلفة عن المجتمع المدني:  القطاع الأهلي أو المنظمات الغير هادفة للربح أو المنظمات الغير حكومية أو الجمعيات. و مش بس دول, فيه أشكال كتير تانية للمجتمع المدني زي النقابات, والاتحادات العمالية والطلابية والجمعيات الخيرية, النوادي الثقافية الخ...وكمان أي مبادرة شعبية تعتبر جزء من المجتمع المدني.

بس أشكال المجتمع المدني الكتير دي بيربطهم 3 حجات أو شروط أساسية: انهم مش بيهدفو للربح, مش تبع الحكومة وانهم بيعملو على خدمة المجتمع أو فئة معينة من المجتمع.

يعني من الآخر المجتمع المدني بيتكون من أفراد من الشعب بهدف خدمة الشعب.

وبيعمل ايه المجتمع المدني بقى؟

هو ليه أهداف مختلفة حسب نوع الجمعية أو المؤسسة أو المنظمة. لكن ممكن نقسمه تقسيمة بسيطة:

جمعيات خيرية: زي الجمعيات اللي بتجمع تبرعات وتقدمها للناس زي الجمعيات اللي  بتوزع شنط رمضان أو ملابس للمحتاجين.

منظمات تنموية: ودي بيكون هدفها المساهمة في عملية التنمية في الدولة زي مثلا توعية المواطنين بمشاكل صحية أو المساهمة في تطوير التعليم أو تنمية مهارات الشباب أو مساعدة أسر فقيرة بالقيام بمشاريع لتمكينها و تحسين دخلها.

نقابات أو اتحادات: ودي بتركز أكتر على حماية حقوق أو تنمية مجموعة الافراد الي بتمثلها النقابة أو الاتحاد.

منظمات حقوقية: ودي هدفها الأساسي الدفاع عن وحماية حقوق انسان المواطنين واللي عايشين في البلد.

وازاي بتشتغل منظمات حقوق الإنسان ؟

بتشتغل بأكتر من طريقة. منها إنها بتحاول توعية المواطن بحقوقه عشان يقدر يطالب بيها ويعرف الانتهاكات اللي بتحصله سواء عن طريق العمل على أرض الواقع أو عن طريق الإعلام. وغير كده بتشتغل عن طريق التأثير والضغط على الحكومة من خلال التقارير والأبحاث اللي بتعملها عشان توثق أوضاع حقوق الانسان (مثال دراسة عن نسبة التحرش الجنسي أو استقصاء عن الحوادث الطائفية) أو لرصد انتهاكات حقوق الانسان (زي التعذيب واستخدام العنف وقتل المتظاهرين أوحرمان فئات أوأشخاص من حقهم في الحصول على الرعاية الصحية أوالتمييز على أساس الجنس أو اللون أو الدين أو أي حاجة تانية).  وعرض التقارير دي على الحكومة والمجتمع المحلي والدولي وتقديم توصيات للحكومة لوقف الانتهاكات دي أو مراجعة القوانين والممارسات الي مش بتحترم حقوق الانسان.

ممكن - لو الحوار والتوصيات مع الحكومة مجابش نتيجة- واستمرت الحكومة في نفس الممارسة، المنظمات دي تزود الضغط عن طريق رفع قضايا على الحكومة وكمان تقديم دعم قانوني للناس المحتاجين ده. وفيه كمان منظمات بتشتغل على أوضاع الديمقراطية من خلال مراقبة الانتخابات وتوعية الناخبين بحقوقهم .. الخ.

أيوة يعني, بس هي منظمات حقوق الانسان دي جابت الكلام ده منين؟

لازم نعرف ان حقوق الانسان (زي الحق في الحياة والصحة والتعليم وحرية الدين والمعتقد والحق في الخصوصية و في عدم التعرض للتعذيب أو اهانة الكرامة او الاهانة الجسدية وحقوق تانية كتير ) كلها موجودة في اتفاقيات دولية مصر موقعة عليها. ومعنى ان مصر موقعة عليها ان الحكومة, أي حكومة بتقوم باعمال البلد بغض النظر عن الأوضاع السياسية, عليها التزام لتطبيق وحماية واحترام الحقوق دي. قانون حقوق الإنسان الدولي بيلزم الدول بسن تشريعات وقوانين وقرارات توفي التزامها بالاتفاقيات الدولية.

دور المجتمع المدني بقى ومنظمات حقوق الإنسان إنها تتأكد إن الحكومة قايمة بدورها والتزامتها. يعني منظمات حقوق الانسان مش جايبة حاجة من عندها ومش بتلزم الحكومة انها تقوم بحاجة فوق طاقتها أومش من اختصاصها.

 دور المنظمات انها تراقب الحكومة وتتأكد انها قايمة بدورها. ولو ظهر ان الحكومة مش قايمة بواجبها فدور المنظمات انها تنبه الحكومة وتاخد اجراءات للضغط على الحكومة للقيام بدورها.

والقانون الدولي مش بس بيلزم الحكومة انها تحترم حقوق الانسان بس كمان انها توفر بيئة مناسبة تسمح للمنظمات الغير حكومية انها تراقب وضع حقوق الانسان. يعني المنظمات الغير حكومية دورها معترف بيه ومهم في نظام حقوق الإنسان في العالم كله. مش حاجة غريبة أو جديدة على مصر بس.

وليه مش حاسين بالمنظمات دي؟

المنظمات دي شغالة من زمان وكان لها دور كبير في فضح انتهاكات كتير (زي التعذيب والمحاكمات العسكرية في عصر مبارك وبعد تنحيه والفساد وتزوير الانتخابات وتضييق حرية التعبير ومشاكل التمييز ضد الأقليات وتغيير قوانين كان ممكن تخلي الفقرا ميتحملوش سعر الأدوية أو العلاج) وساعدت ناس كتير احتاجوا دعم ومساندة وتوعية.

من ناحية التغطية الإعلامية عن المنظمات دي  كانت مش كبيرة ومن ناحية تانية الناس كانت مشغولة بأحوالها وزي ماحنا عارفين أغلب الشعب كان بتمارس عليه عملية تغييب عشان ميفوقش ويطالب بحقه.

ومن ناحية تالتة النظام اللي حاكمنا كانت دايما بتحاول تركز على نظرية المؤامرة عشان تخوف الناس من أي حاجة أجنبية وده يخليها تتحكم في الشعب أكتر.

طب هي منظمات حقوق الإنسان بتبقى تبع ايه؟ و منظمات حقوق الإنسان الدولية بتعمل ايه في مصر؟

كل بلد في العالم فيها نوعين من منظمات حقوق الانسان: منظمات محلية زي في مصر المبادرة المصرية للحقوق الشخصية و مركز القاهرة لدراسات حقوق الانسان ومركز هشام مبارك مثلا والنوع التاني هو فروع او مكاتب لمنظمات دولية زي هيومان رايتس واتش و منظمة العفو الدولية. المنظمات المحلية بتحمي نظام حقوق الانسان في بلدها و المنظمات الدولية بتحمي نظام حقوق الانسان في العالم كله. لأن حقوق إنسان واحد بس مرتبطة بحقوق البشر كلها و المنظمات الدولية والمحلية بيكملو شغل بعض.

المنظمات الدولية هدفها حماية و رصد حقوق الانسان في العالم كله بما فيها بلد المنشأ. يعني مثلا أطباء من أجل حقوق الانسان انشأت في أمريكا. بس المنظمة بترصد الانتهاكات في أمريكا و اسرائيل، والبحرين و بلاد كتير.عشان كده اسمها منظمة دولية. مش معنى دولية ان بلد قررت ترصد انتهاكات في بلاد تانية انما بلادها هي زي الفل.

و ممكن منظمات مصرية تفتح فروع في دول تانية برضه بس المنظمات المصرية فقيرة ومش مدعومه ماديا ولا معنويا من الحكومه المصرية فللأسف ده صعب وقليل. كمان ده بيعتمد على قوانين حرية تكوين المنظمات. فيه بلاد بتسمح لأي تكوين منظمات حقوقية بدون إجراءات كتير وده القانون الدولي أكد على أهميته. و فيه بلاد قوانينها بتصعب من الحق في التنظيم زي مصر.

هو ايه الحق في التنظيم ده؟ و ايه القوانين المتعلقة بيه؟

الحق في التنظيم هو حق أي فرد في حرية تكوين جمعيات أو الانضمام لجماعات سلمية مع الآخرين. وده موجود في المواثيق الدولية الي مصر ملتزمة بيها وكمان في الدستور المصري. يعني تكوين جمعيات و منظمات بتعمل على المصلحة العامة ده شيء قانوني 100%.

المشكلة ان فيه بلاد بتحط قيود على الحق ده من خلال قوانين بتخلي الجمعيات خاضعة تماما للمراقبة الأمنية والزامها بالحصول على موافقة الحكومة قبل القيام بمشاريع وقبل الحصول على تمويل و حجات تانية كتير. ده كله تحت الي بنسميه "قانون الجمعيات". يعني لازم أي جمعية تكون مسجلة عند وزارة التضامن الاجتماعي وتاخد موافقتها قبل اي خطوة.

 ليه بتعتبروا دي قيود؟

لو كان القانون ده بيسمح لاي حد بتكوين أي جمعية مكانش حد يعتبره قيود. انما الواقع ان القانون وتسجيل الجمعيات كان خاضع لأمن الدولة تحت نظام مبارك. وكان براحتهم يرفضو تسجيل أي جمعية أو يعطلو التسجيل. وشرط الحصول على موافقة قبل الحصول على تمويل من بره كان معناه ان فرص تمويل كتير بتضيع على جمعيات لأنها كانت عملية طويلة ومعقدة وممكن يرفضوا بدون ابداء أسباب. ده غير ان كان ممكن جمعية تنظم نشاط مثلا زي تحضير ندوة ويجيلها أمر يوم الندوة بالغاءها. طبعا دي كلها انتهاكات لحرية التنظيم.

يعني السؤال مش  المفروض يكون ليه الجمعيات رافضة القيود دي انما ليه الحكومة بتفرض القيود. فيه بلاد بتضيق على المنظمات الغير حكومية و بتقوم بإجرات تعسفية ضدها زي الصين وايران مثلا وللأسف مصر. وده بيعكس مدى انتهاك الحكومات دي لحقوق الانسان لانها مش عايزه اي حد يراقب ويحاسبها على تصرفاتها.

طب ايه الفرق بين الجمعيات المسجلة والغير مسجلة؟

قانون الجمعيات الأهلية قانون غير عادل ويهتم بمصلحة النظام على حساب مصلحة الشعب. القانون دي بيحط قيود كبيرة على شغل المنظمات الحقوقية وتدخل في كل كبيرة وصغيرة فيها ده ولازم موافقة من الحكومة على كل حاجة غير إن أمن الدولة كان بيتدخل بشكل مستمر في نشاط المنظمات ويوقف فعاليات كتيرة (ندوات توعية .. الخ) أو يرفض تسجيل مؤسسات في الحكومة. طبعا غني عن الذكر إن في الدول المتقدمة المنظمات المدنية ممكن تنشأ من غير حتى اخطار الحكومة.

نتيجة للوضع ده بنلاقي منظمات مش مسجلة ومبتخضعش لقانون الجمعيات وخصوصا منظمات حقوق الإنسان لأنها من أكتر الجمعيات الي اتعرضت لرفض التسجيل ولأنهم كمان رافضين قانون الجمعيات اللي فيه انتهاك واضح للحق في التنظيم. بس ده مش معناه ان وضعهم غير قانوني. فيه منظمات متسجلة كشركات مدنية. يعني مثلا شركة محاماه غير هادفة للربح. في منظمات تعمل كمنظمات حقوقية بدون أن تكون مسجلة في الحكومة (وزارة التضامن الاجتماعي) كمؤسسة مدنية ولكن بتمارس نشاط حقوقي بالرغم من تعسف الحكومة وتدخلها المستمر.

وتاني السؤال مش المفروض يكون هي المنظمة دي متسجلة ولا مش متسجلة. السؤال هو المنظمة دي بتعمل ايه ؟ منظمات حقوق الانسان لما بتحصل على حكم مثلا الغاء كشوف العذرية على الفتيات المحتجزات, هل بيفرق مع البنات دول ان الي حصلهم على الحكم التاريخي ده الي بيحمي خصوصيتهم وكرامتهم منظمة متسجلة في وزارة التضامن ولا شركة مدنية؟

هل الناس الي ساكنين في منطقة عشوائية و جايلهم منظمة تنموية تقدملهم ميه نضيفة أو فصول تعليمية لولادهم. هل حيطلبو الاول يشوفو وضع التسجيل بتاع الجمعية؟

طالما المنظمة مبتقومش بشغل غير قانوني أو بيهدد الامن العام فالقانون الدولي بيحمي حقها في ممارسة شغلها. متجيش مثلا تقولي يعني لو خلية ارهابية يبقالها الحق في التنظيم؟ انما لو منظمة بتحمي حقوق الناس والحكومة بتخنق شغلها يبقى أولى نسأل الحكومة ليه مش عايزة المنظمة دي تشتغل؟ مش ليه المنظمة بتشتغل. الملخص إن البلد فيها انتهاكات كتير بتحصل وبتحاول الحكومة تضيق على المؤسسات الحقوقية عشان مايشتغلوش لكن المؤسسات دي بتصر تشتغل وتكشف عيوب النظام.

طب وايه حكاية التمويل الخارجي دي وهل المنظمات دي بتاخد الفلوس بطرق مش شرعية؟

الدول اللي وضعها الاقتصادي زي مصر عادة بتعتمد على معونات خارجية سواء كانت للحكومة أو للمجتمع المدني وده مش وضع مصر بس لأ في دول كتير جدا كمان، وأي أنشطة بتعملها المنظمات دي محتاجة تمويل عشان تقدر تنفذها ولكن مفيش مصدر داخلي  للدخل عشان ولا الحكومة ولا القطاع الخاص عاوزين يدعموهم ماليا لسببين:

بالنسبة للحكومة: أكيد مش في مصلحة الحكومة فضح انتهاكات حقوق الانسان (وخصوصا في البلاد اللي زينا اللي مليانة انتهاكات)

بالنسبة للقطاع الخاص: عشان انعدام ثقافة حقوق الانسان بشكل عام ولو حد من رجال الأعمال جوه البلد مول المنظمات الحقوقية يبقى هيعرض مصالحه مع الحكومة للخطر.

وعشان كده بتعتمد المنظمات دي على الدعم الخارجي واللي برضه الحكومة بتعمله وأخدت مليارات من أمريكا وغيرها ومن منظمات خارجية من غير ما نحس بأي تحسن حقيقي في أوضاع البلد.

يعني المسأله مش مسأله فلوس من برة ولا من جوة. القانون المصري بيسمح لمنظمات دولية انشاء مكاتب ليها هنا وتحويل فلوس وكل حاجة وبيسمح كمان ان منظمات مصرية تحصل على فلوس من بره للقيام بمشاريع تخدم الناس.

 فلوس المنظمه جاي منين مش مهم طالما المنظمة مبتقومش بعمل غير قانوني. يعني التمويل الخارجي قانوني ١٠٠٪ في العالم كله. ده جزء من نظام عالمي بتستفيد منه الشركات والحكومات والمنظمات وكل القطاعات.

وممكن حد يقول إنه ضد التمويل الخارجي سواء للحكومة أو للمجتمع المدني بس لكن للأسف ده الواقع اللي بتفرضه المنظومة الاقتصادية في العالم كله ولغاية ما تتغير المنظومة دي أو يتغير وضع مصر عالميا هيظل الوضع كما هو عليه.

ومين إلي بيدي الفلوس دي من بره ومصلحتهم ايه؟

زي مشرحنا دول كتير ومؤسسات بتعتمد عل المعونات الخارجية. زي مثلا مؤسسة الجيش أو القروض والمساعدات الي حكومة مصر بتا خدها من البنك الدولي أو من الدول العربية و الأجنبية ودي كلها منظومة ليها اعتبارات سياسية واقتصادية كتير وللأسف حكومتنا مش بتتعامل مع الموضوع ده بشفافية. يعني احنا عمرنا مبنعرف الحكومة خدت كام من مين وبأي شروط وصرفته فين.

المنظمات كمان بتعتمد على ممولين لأنشطتهم لأن كلها منظمات غير هادفة للربح. فلوس الجمعيات في العالم كله بتيجي ممكن من تبرعات (وده مش موجود في مصر بالنسبة لمنظمات حقوق الانسان) أو من منح داخلية أو خارجية. ولأن مصادر التمويل الداخلي للجمعيات في مصر يعتبر مش موجود معظم الجمعيات بتعتمد على تمويل خارجي.

فيه تمويل خارجي ممكن تقدمه حكومات, زي مثلا المعونة الامريكية أو السويدية .. الخ, وفيه تمويل من مؤسسات مانحة ضخمة غير حكومية. دي مؤسسات هدفها دعم المجتمع المدني والتنمية وحقوق الإنسان في كل بلاد العالم.

فيه منظمات حقوق إنسان بتفضل تبعد عن تمويل الحكومات وتعتمد بالأساس على المؤسسات المانحة الغير حكومية عشان تتجنب أي شبهة مصلحة سياسية في شغلها وده بيديلهم استقلال أكبر في القيام بشغلهم.

بس ده مش معناه برضه إن تمويل الحكومات للمنظمات غير قانوني. ده اختيار كل منظمة وطالما التمويل قانوني و الشغل إلي بتقوم بيه المنظمة فيه مصلحة المواطن.

وليه الحملة دي دلوقتي؟

طبعا من فترة وبقى واضح إن في مخطط لتشويه الثورة والثوار ومنظمات المجتمع المدني واتهامهم بالخيانة والعمالة وكأن المنظمات دي اللي بتدمر مصلحة البلد ولكن الواقع إن المنظمات دي استمرت في دورها بعد الثورة واشتغلت على الانتهاكات زي المحاكمات العسكرية للمدنين والتعذيب والسحل والتحرشات وكشوف العذرية اللي حصلت للمتظاهرين واستهداف الشرطة للمتظاهرين وتعمد قتلهم وكشفوا كمان تقييد حرية الإعلام اللي ابتدى يحصل بعد الثورة وقدموا مبادرات كتيرة للاصلاح سواء اصلاح اقتصادي أو اجتماعي أو مقترحات لتطهير الداخلية وكلها طبعا متنفذش منها حاجة.

النظام مهزوز وعاوز يخلي المنظمات دي تسكت ومتفضحش تجاوزاته.

لسنين طويلة المنظمات الحقوقية  اتعرضو لمضايقات بما فيها رفض التسجيل و عدم توفير اي دعم او تمويل داخلي والتدخل في تمويل المنظمات من بره ده بالاضافة للتشويه الاعلامي. و ده معناه ان حملة الهجوم حتأثر على المنظمات وده للأسف ضد مصلحة الناس لأن  عكس مالدولة اقنعت معظم الشعب، المنظمات الحقوقية ليها دور كبير في حماية الناس من الدولة.

شكرا لأماني مسعود من المبادرة المصرية للحقوق الشخصية لمساعدتي في كتابة التدوينة دي.

تحديث: قامت المجموعة المتحدة وهي منظمة حقوقية مقرها القاهرة بإعادة نشر التدوينة في مطبوعة كأحد أنشطة مشروع تيجي نغير لبكرة. يمكن الإطلاع على المطبوعة هنا.

When Women Are Undressed!

In the post-revolutionary Egypt, several women were undressed, whether willfully or against their consent. A varying degree of uproar usually ensues. It’s really curious to witness the frenzy that happens when women clothes are dropped.

The West (with all the implications and connotations of this word) and Western media, obsessed as it with the oppressed Arab/Muslim women, is usually enthused to cover and report on what happens to women in the Arab world; demanding their liberation; lamenting their marginalization. While here, the obsession with female body overrides the debate, making it skewed, if not outright unfair.

The first such incident was the sexual assault on Lara Logan in Tahrir on the day of ousting Mubarak. International media were all over it. Logan went on 60 Minutes describing her ordeal. The media here largely ignored it; either too overwhelmed with Mubarak stepping down and the prospects for a new Egypt, or using the same excuse of “Let’s not tarnish the national image”.

In March, we had the infamous virginity tests that were conducted by the military.  There was definitely a case of shock when such news came out. Not as much hype as there is now because back then lots of people were still in denial about the fact that the military is against the revolution. They just didn’t believe our honored army would commit such a crime. Some others thought those girls had it coming. “Who told them to go protest and spend the night on the street anyway?!”

Later on in May, there was a fiasco of another sort. Religious frenzies, aka the Salafis, well known for their strict interpretation of Islam and limited worldview, were on the hunt for yet another woman named Abeer. A Christian woman, had fled her Upper Egyptian village and left her family behind for a fling with a Muslim man. She converted to Islam in order to be able to get a divorce and marry the Muslim. The Salafis presumed that Abeer was held in a church in Imbaba which resulted in an ugly flare of sectarian violence and led to about a dozen dead and hundreds injured. This incident exemplified how women become tools of asserting power by religious factions; and how controlling women’s sexuality and mobility can be a strong driver of sectarian violence.

Moreover, similar honor-motivated protests were organized by Salafis in order to save women alleged to have converted to Islam. Most of the protesting centered around a woman called Kamilia Shehata. These protests were named “I want my sister Kamilia”, a famous humorous phrase that is now commonly used to mock Salafis and their obsession with their alleged sisters.

The failure of Salafis & other Islamists to produce a proper response, when female protesters were subjected to abuses at the hand of police and military forces, were the center of criticism of many secular/liberal revolutionaries. Those revolutionaries who are struggling to present themselves to the mainstream non-political majority. The word secular has become so stigmatized that most activists chose not to use it. The word "liberal" became all too common to refer to anyone who's not an islamist. The outcry of the liberal/secular against the violence of female protesters was all too real, but the use of that card to trump the islamists was always interesting.

When Salafis chose not to put the photos of female parliamentary runners and decided to replace them with either flowers or their husbands' photos, they received harsh sarcasm from the "liberal" front, for their lack of respect for women. But how did that liberal front really deal with women issues? Did they really advocate for women inclusion everywhere? Women were also excluded in most liberal political forces.

In November, when Aliaa El Mahdy took her clothes off, took a nude photo and posted it on her blog, the international attention reached unbelievable levels. Her controversial act was the talk of everyone and again the media was all over it. Was it a feminist act of rebellion or a miscalculated risk? Regardless of its meaning or motivation, Aliaa's act became the battlefront of debate about women liberation; the limits of freedom; the timing; the reputation of the revolution; the rampant double standards and hypocrisy of the society that rushes to see her naked body yet condemn her act.

Again, the "liberal forces" were confused, if not dismayed, by Aliaa's nudity; either denying her freedom of expression or claiming it compromises the struggle of "liberal forces" to maintain their image. The buzz would have continued, and Aliaa's life would have been more endangered, if it wasn't for the violence that erupted again at Mohamed Mahmoud street and the first round of parliamentary elections. The international and national spheres found other things to worry about.

Most recently, the famous photos above made headlines in several international and local media outlets, and became the heart of another debate. The woman who was brutalized as a punishment for her bravery to protest in the cabinet events became a sensation, not because she was aggressively beaten up or insulted but because her body was exposed.

The angry reaction that immediately followed based the criticism of the military violence on the shame they have caused by exposing her body. It is quite understandable that this act of exposition is associated with shame and violating "honor" more than anything else. But I can't help but wonder, whose shame it is when a woman's body is exposed! Why has it become such a horrendous act? Because we see women's body as a sacred untouchable that should not be violated? What is more violating here, the shame brought about by her brutalization or that caused by her bodily exposition? Which is more shocking, the emotional wounds that she'll have to endure or the fact that world knew the color of her bra?

However, the women march today at Tahrir was a real positive move. Thousands of women from all walks of life, in all sorts of dress showed up in solidarity and to protest the flagrant military violations. The photo below is particularly striking and interesting. This woman is basically saying: "nobody has the right to judge us or question our honor". As the chants said "Egyptian women are a red line", women expressed that any violations of Egyptian women should never be tolerated. It shows that despite the shaming and the victim-blaming, women still reclaim their right to protest and express themselves.

"your eyes are cheap"

It is amazing how women's bodies have such a revealing effect. They can show exactly where people stand on matters like freedom, autonomy and shame. Women's bodies have been the battlefront of so many battles before and will continue to be, but the hypocrisy it reveals never ceases to be powerful.

Refugees in Egypt, a forgotten issue!

In Egypt, several issues do not have enough attention. Refugee issues in Egypt are not usually publicly discussed and even if this happens, it hardly goes in the right direction.

Due to its position, Egypt receives a lot of refugees and asylum seekers who aim to stay in Egypt or only to transit until they leave to another country. Those refugees and asylum seekers leave their countries for various reasons, such as fleeing war and armed conflict, political instability or prosecution. They come from different directions; the majority of which come from Sudan followed by Iraq, Somalia and Eritrea and other countries. According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), there are approximately 40,000 registered refugees in the country, from 38 different nationalities. Not all refugees are registered with UNHCR however, so the real number is very much higher and may reach millions. 

Recently, Youm 7 newspaper carried a daring and shocking investigation in Sinai and revealed the horrors that refugees are subjected to there. The investigation shed light on the African refugees who seek to enter Israel through Sinai are subjected to torture, rape and killings by organized criminal groups in Sinai. Those criminals engage in organs trafficking taken from the refugees’ bodies. The details and images were really harrowing and definitely caused a controversy.

CNN also made a report called "Death in the Desert" about the same issue which caused an international media buzz.  

The investigation stirred many reactions. Some Egyptian media reported on it. African media in Sudan and Eritrea also reported on it and human right groups there called for further investigations and for the Egyptian state to interfere to protect the lives of those refugees. Egyptian human rights groups also called the results of the investigation a scandal and demanded immediate intervention. UNHCR also “expressed concern” over the reports and claimed that they haven’t received any previous complaints regarding the issue.

Egyptian human rights organizations have raised concerns about torture, rape and human trafficking of African refugees in Sinai before, but officials didn’t want to admit it or take any actions.  The situation seems to continue as it is and our government doesn’t want to intervene to stop this tragedy.

Unfortunately, we have a bad history in dealing with refugees in Egypt. Refugees leave their countries running away from wars, prosecution or dire economic conditions to face other hardships in Egypt. Egypt has signed 1951 Refugee Convention, but it had reservations and there’s a de facto ban on accessing employment and formal education for refugees. Obviously, Egypt already has a struggling economy and high unemployment rate which makes it hard for our government to provide services to refugees.

The Sinai horrors are not the first of a kind for refugees in Egypt. In December 2005, Egyptian security forces attacked a protest camp that was set up by Sudanese protesters in Mostafa Mahmoud Square which caused the murder of about 30 refugees including women and children, other were also deported and detained, which was also reported on in the Egyptian blogosphere. 

 Egypt also uses shoot-to-stop policy at Israeli borders to kill African refugees trying to cross the border to Israel with a death toll amounting to dozen of refugees. 

Sadly, it's not just the state that discriminates against but it permeates into daily life events and African people in Egypt suffer from incidents of racism and discrimination. 

This tragic situation cannot continue any longer. Immediate action must be taken from the government to stop those grave violations. It's horrible that those men, women and children flee their country to save their lives and find themselves in equally dangerous conditions or worse.More attention should be directed to refugees and their situation to end the dire condition that they suffer from. 

Another Khaled Said in Egypt

Another horrendous incident happened today in Egypt. I don't know when those times of torture and violence will end. Essam Ali Atta, 23 years old, is one of the many thousands that were subjected to military courts despite being civilian. Those military courts started early on after the beginning of the revolution. Until now, justice is lost despite the outcry from different groups in Egypt.

According to his family, he was arrested last February as he was witnessing a street altercation. He was sentenced two years in Torra prison. His devastated mother told me today that she was trying to get him a phone SIM card as he wanted to have an operating phone inside the prison. Apparently this motivated his torture but circumstances are still not clear.

Here is a GRAPHIC video I took of martyr Atta in the morgue at Kasr Al Aini hospital:

His mother also said that he contacted them asking for help and he said that he was being tortured in prison by inserting a water hose into his anus and mouth. I went to the morgue in Kasr Al Aini and his face had blood from his mouth and also secretions were coming out of his nose and mouth. His family were really in a miserable condition. They were expecting that he might get out of prison soon as they were trying to annul the verdict and get a retrial.

Some people say that he must have been a criminal since he was sentenced by military courts. Needless to say that military courts lack many decent justice considerations as they lack independence, a mandate for fair trials. Also, regardless of Atta being a criminal or not, this would never mean that he deserves to be tortured and murdered. He was already doing his time. If he committed any violation, there should be a fair punishment that does not involve humiliation, torture and definitely not murder.

Finally, Khaled Said being tortured and killed at the hands of the police was one of the main drivers for the revolution. When will our leaders learn their lesson?!